President Obama admitted to CNN’s Somebody Cooper that he screwed up on his nomination of Tom Daschle to the post of Secretary of Health and Human Services. Daschle withdrew from consideration after his tax dealings came under intense scrutiny.
To this gryphon, Tom’s tax miscues are not news. He’s just one of ten thousand powerful, rich guys who try to get out of their taxes. Intentional or not, does this really surprise anyone? No, what got my attention is that the prez said “I screwed up.”
I wonder how long that will last? I hope the length of his Executive Mansion tenure. Keep in mind though, he’s new. This is still the traditional “Honeymoon Period.” So far, his s**t don’t stink. That’ll wear off. Trust me. I’m not a real political scientist, but I play one on the Internet.
There will come a time when people finally start calling this the Depression that it is, when Gaza starts throwing rocks at
Israel again, when some idiot hyper-liberal in his cabinet says something monumentally stupid, or when we witness the Second Coming of Ronald Reagan (ihope ihope i hope) that the press will stop gushing over him, and he will stop being black and become the President of the United States.
That is the time when he will stop being so ready to say, “I screwed up.” The temptation will be to “spin” or–worse–to lie. As long as he doesn’t lie in a deposition for a civil suit brought to give justice to a woman charging him with sexual harrasment. Oh, wait, that was Clinton.
But so far so good. Keep it up Boss. When you screw up admit it, promptly. Every time, even when you’re not as likely to be forgiven for it. You’ll be the better man for it and we will be the ultimate gainers. And for God’s sake, keep your John Thomas in its cage, Chief. I know it’ll be difficult, being a Democrat and all. But I’ll give you the benefit of the doubt. For now.
c.e.s.





Weak Strong States
Posted by Dr. Spots on February 7, 2009
This is the third in the series on the theoretical and analytical work by Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man.[1]
The first two of the series can be found here.
In the second installment, we discussed how liberal democracies and the political scientists that inhabit them have failed to see the rising tide of liberal democracy around the world. We examined the reasons for this pessimism based on the failures in the middle of the 20th century as witnessed in Nazism and Stalinism, and the seeming permanence of Soviet Communism after the fall of Stalinism and during the Cold War period.
G.W.F. Hegel
Liberal democracy was supposed to bring about the final installment of political enlightenment and herald a new and ultimate Age of Man. Inherent contradictions aside, it was supposed to put to an end the horrors of government during the millennia leading up to the establishment of the groundling democracies formed in the late 18th century in France and the United States.
France and the United States were by no means the most liberal or democratic states that they could be at the time of their respective revolutions. France suffered under a dictatorship for a brief period that gave rise to Napoleon’s “Empire.” The United States still enslaved and disenfranchised substantial percentage of its population. The point is that the dam had burst and it was felt that there would be now no going back.
Hegel was the first to propose that political socialization was a result of a “dialectical” process with each preceding form competing with present reality to form a “synthesis.” Thesis + Antithesis = Synthesis. New and better forms of political socialization evolved to a point where the evolution becomes complete. To Hegel this completion found its form in liberal democracy, and therefore the “End of History.” Hegel has been criticized for giving justification for the authoritarian regimes (particularly Nazism) in the 20th century, but this criticism is faulty.
Karl Marx, took a page from Hegel in the use of his dialectical model and formed the basis for “Dialectical Materialism” and arrived at the conclusion that the End of History was not liberal Democracy but Communism. Their methods were the same but the conclusions were radically different.
The failures of communism are well recorded and need not be discussed in great detail here. The successes of liberal democracy not only continued but are spreading ever wider. It will be the future current successes on which we will concentrate. Before we can do that however, we must first briefly examine why liberal democracy is the form that has held on and continues to expand and why theories of “Strong” states ultimately fail. That can be done with an examination of what Fukuyama calls the Weak Strong State.[2]
Let’s begin by defining our terms. What do we mean by a “strong”
state? What is meant when we speak of “weak” states?
A strong state is one who, by definition, is able to control its political organization and permanence through strict control of the political system. A strong state tells the people unequivocally who the political are and will be without leaving a choice for leaders to be replaced by a democratic process. A tool to accomplish this is by strict restriction of liberal policies or rights-rights such as speech, association, and privacy. All this, again by definition, makes the political structure of such states “illiberal” and “undemocratic.”
The trade-off for the loss of democratic and liberal rights is security. The people give up these things (theoretically) in exchange for social and economic stability. It pays here to mention that besides personal liberalness that we can also speak of “economic” liberality where the contrast is between an economy that is allowed to grow and flourish (with some restrictions) on the one hand and an economy that is rigidly controlled and restricted by the state political apparatus on the other.
The liberal-democratic state though is not weak. It is strong for the very reasons that it is presupposed to be weak. It is the very liberal/democratic nature of the political and social process that gives the state the ultimate legitimacy upon which it rests its authority. It is a state that respects the rights of its population and allows the people, not the government, to decide what should be done when difficulties arise.
Strength or viability therefore rests on the legitimacy of the regime. Legitimacy is the degree of faith that is placed in the state. All states, liberal-democratic or otherwise must have some measure of legitimacy to begin with in order to last any length of time. The greater the degree, the greater the
viability.
A strict authoritarian state such as Nazi Germany held a certain degree of legitimacy or else it would not have been
able to rise to the power that it held at its zenith. No ruler, not even Adolph Hitler can rule solely by force over an entire nation of people. He needed supporters who believed that he was the best possible choice for running the country and therefore gave their allegiance to him. It was in his counselors and generals therefore that Hitler and therefore Nazism found legitimacy. This elite supporting group therefore were available to carry out his commands through their subordinates who similarly gave legitimacy to their leaders. It was an authoritarian (and very nearly totalitarian) state. Liberal rights were severely curtailed and of course there was no democratic action.
Nazism, fortunately, was proved illegitimate through force of arms. A great many horrors were committed before it was brought down and it is equally certain that a great many more would have occurred had it not been defeated militarily. But, even if it had survived, it could not have endured. It’s ideology rested on the idea of the superiority of race and the racial right to rule. To remain legitimate it would have had to constantly been in armed international conflict. If it had won, then its reason
for being would have been eliminated and it would have either collapsed completely or the form of government would have had to violently change. Violently, because in a system of authoritarian repression, any conflicting ideal would have to be brutally put down.
Soviet communism is a different matter and its persistence, among other things, gave justification for the western pessimism mentioned earlier in this essay and in the second in the series, “Pessimism of the West.”
Authoritarianism differs from Totalitarianism in one crucial respect. Authoritarianism controls the political/social culture but mainly the political structure. Authoritarianism allows some social structures to remain either unchanged or with restrictions. Totalitarianism controls all spheres of life, both political and social. Therefore, an authoritarian government may allow religious practice even if it is only the state approved religion. Totalitarian government abolishes ALL religion. Religion becomes the worship of the state itself. Authoritarian government may allow state
censored press and other media. Totalitarian government owns and operates the media. There is no need for censorship because all you are going to absorb from the media is strictly what the government puts out for consumption. Totalitarianism is 100% all-encompassing.
Animal Farm was about an authoritarian government. 1984 was about totalitarianism. When an authoritarian government finally loses its legitimacy it is more likely to ease its way into liberal-democracy because there are structures already in place to ease the transition. When totalitarianism collapses it is more like to collapse completely because there is nothing ready-made on which to form a consensus of acceptable social interaction. When the state goes, so does everything the state represented.
This therefore is a good explanation of why supposedly strong states are in fact weak and why the truly states of liberal-democracies are not only the best representations of what has become the End of History and why they are sure to endure. Next in the series will be discussed what Fukuyama calls the “Worldwide Liberal Revolution.”
C.E. Spots
[1] Frances Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992). Second paperback edition.
[2] ibid. 13-38
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